by Alex D'Agostino
Does market openness directly affect democracy? Political
scientists and economists have long been divided over this question. Milton
Friedman famously claimed that “History suggests only that capitalism is a
necessary condition for political freedom.”[1]
In speaking of his work with Pinochet’s Chile, Friedman stated that “In Chile,
the drive for political freedom, that was generated by economic freedom and the
resulting economic success, ultimately resulted in a referendum that introduced
political democracy.”[2]
Other economists have disputed this notion, claiming that the relationship is coincidental.
Thomas Piketty writes that “Economic and technological rationality at times has
nothing to do with democratic rationality. The former stems from the
Enlightenment, and people have all too commonly assumed that the latter would
somehow naturally derive from it, as if by magic.”[3]
The debate over the effect of market openness on democracy is not purely
academic, it is a major driver of policy, especially the implementation of
market-oriented reforms. Some claim that those reforms are a prerequisite for
democracy, while some maintain that such reforms create inequality which poses
a danger to democracy.
In
order to answer the question of whether market openness effects democracy, I am
using the Quality of Governance Index, and measuring the effect of market
openness (1-10 scale) on democracy status (1-10 scale). Below is the
distribution of democracy scores:
Figure 1, below, shows the
relationship between market openness and democracy. This graph indicates that
market economy status is positively correlated with democracy status.
To examine the relationship
further, control variables are incorporated into the regression. The first is
GDP per capita, which has a strong effect on democracy; it is well-established
that wealthier countries generally are democracies.[4]
GDP per capita is logged, as is standard practice. The second is agricultural
share of the economy; countries that are less industrially developed and more
agricultural are less likely to be democracies. Due to the distribution of this
variable (most countries have less than 20% agricultural share of GDP), it was
also logged. The third variable is years of schooling; one would expect that
higher levels of education are necessary for democracies.[5]
I expect to find that, conditioning on the three above-mentioned variables, I
will see a strong correlation between market openness and democracy.
Table 2 shows the conditional
estimates between market economy status and the democracy score. Below is the regression table.
Table
2. Determinants of Democracy
Democracy Status
|
(1)
|
(2)
|
Market Openness
|
0.92***
|
1.49***
|
(11.00)
|
(11.39)
|
|
Agricultural Share of
|
0.56**
|
|
Economy (logged)
|
(3.24)
|
|
Average Schooling
|
0.05
|
|
Years, Female and Male (25+)
|
(0.81)
|
|
GDP per capita (logged)
|
-0.77**
|
|
(-3.32)
|
||
Constant
|
0.63
|
1.86
|
(1.22)
|
(1.02)
|
|
R-Squared
|
0.561
|
0.681
|
Observations
|
95
|
95
|
Note: OLS
estimates with t statistics in parentheses * p < 0.05, **
p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001
The first model indicates that
market openness is positively correlated with democracy status at a significant
level, with a 1 unit increase in market openness corresponding to a 0.92 unit
increase in democracy status. With the addition of three controlling variables
the coefficient increases, showing a stronger correlation between market
openness and democracy status. For every 1 unit increase in market openness,
our regression predicts a 1.49 unit increase in democracy status, controlling
for agricultural level, average schooling level, and GDP per capita. One
surprise is that schooling is not significant in our model.[6]
These findings are significant, but
they do not establish a causal link between market openness and democracy
status. The most glaring issue is reverse causality; it is perfectly plausible
that the drive for market openness was generated by democracy (the opposite of
what Friedman said). This is exacerbated by the question of which came first;
it is possible that economic openness and democracy are mutually reinforcing,
with incremental gains in each one serving to reinforce gains in the other.
This study would be greatly aided by qualitative case studies, including
countries like Chile that created open economies and then transitioned to
democracies, as well as countries like Singapore (or a territory like Hong
Kong) that have the most open economies in the world, but remain authoritarian.
Our findings are interesting in
that they show a strong correlation between market openness and democracy, yet
this fails to address Piketty’s claim that democratic and economic rationalism
do not stem from each other, but have
merely coincidentally risen at the same time. A time-series analysis of
market openness and transitions to democracy might provide a clearer answer to
this question. Nonetheless, the empirical results do indeed establish that
there is a clear correlation between market openness and democratic status.
Appendix
Table 1. Summary
Statistics
Mean
|
Std.
Dev.
|
Min.
|
Max.
|
Description
|
|
Democracy Status
|
6.09
|
2.06
|
2.80
|
9.90
|
Status
of Democracy (0=Min, 10=Max)
|
Market Economy Status
|
5.95
|
1.68
|
2.07
|
9.50
|
Market
Openness
(0=Min,
10 = Max)
|
GDP per capita (logged)
|
8.18
|
1.02
|
5.52
|
10.24
|
GDP
per capita (log scale)
|
Agr. Share of Economy (logged)
|
2.35
|
1.10
|
-3.18
|
4.57
|
Agriculture’s
share of economy (log scale)
|
Avg. Schooling
|
7.20
|
2.75
|
1.20
|
12.32
|
Average
years of schooling for males and females
|
N
|
95
|
[1]
Friedman, Milton. Capitalism and Freedom.
(University of Chicago Press: 1962) p. 3
[2]
Friedman, Milton. “Economic Freedom, Human Freedom, Political Freedom.” Speech
at the Smith Center (Nov. 1, 1991)
[3]
Piketty, Thomas. Capital. (Belknap
Press: 2014) p.530
[4]
The relationship is so strong, in fact, that many political scientists have
suggested that once a country becomes middle-income (about $6,000 GDP per
capita) it will generally transition to democracy, and once it becomes higher
income (~$10,000 GDP per capita) democracy will become permanent. As an
example, in 2011 Tunisia broke the $6,000 GDP per capita threshold, and almost
immediately underwent a democratic revolution. Of course, there are notable
exceptions, especially India, which became a democracy with a GDP per capita of
only $800. (http://blogs.reuters.com/macroscope/2011/06/22/give-me-liberty-and-give-me-cash/)
[5] Thomas
Jefferson famously wrote, “An educated citizenry is a vital requisite for our
survival as a free people.” Jefferson’s Papers. (http://www.monticello.org/site/jefferson/educated-citizenry-vital-requisite-our-survival-free-people-quotation)
[6] A
better model might not control for level of education, which surprisingly does
not seem to have an effect, and instead replace it with another control
variable that better explains democracy.
This post is well written and I like how you gave two theories about the relationship between Democracy and Open Markets. I think that the research question could be clearer, it becomes a little bogged down in the comparison of the two theories and you do not state the direction you expect to see (more open market -> more democracy). I have concerns about the direction of two of the control variables: education and GDP per capita. There is reason to believe that a democratic state leads to higher average education and higher GDP. In your graph it should not say controlled for ... because in your regression figure you are not controlling for other variables. I do not necessarily agree that more educated people will lead to the creation of a democracy (though they may be necessary for a democracy as you noted). On this point, if a control is not statistically significant it does not mean that it is not an important control. I thought our analysis of the results was good and you brought up a good point about direction. You could add more textual analysis of the other variables, especially because you logged some of your variables which make it more difficult for a layperson to understand. The tables and figures are clear and organized. All in all, an interesting topic and something that has room for future investigation. Good work!
ReplyDeleteNuts and Bolts: You did include a nicely formatted graph and and summary statistics, but I would suggest that you show in the appendix (graph) or explain in a footnote why you logged GDP. In addition to what Ashley already said, I would prefer some borders in the tables, at least after the caption rows, but that is probably a matter of taste.
ReplyDeleteSince overall the post is quite impressive, I have to nitpick a little: I would suggest you alter the sentence "even without introducing any controls", since a single variable is more likely to be significant without than with controls. Also it would be nice if you could go into more detail how democracy score and market openness are constructed - probably only possible in a footnote due to our space constraints in this assignment.
This is a strong analysis into an interesting question, although I don't think you make the question as compelling as it could be. What's at stake if one side or the other is right? That said, your clear analysis definitely answers the question.
ReplyDeleteIn your analysis, you mention that "economy status is positively correlated with democracy status at a significant level, even without introducing any controls." This is what one would expect, isn't it? The introduction of control variables should theoretically decrease the explanatory power of the experimental variable (but increase the explanatory power of the model as a whole, since you're including a theoretically fuller picture of the real world).
In your model, one of your control variables, Average Years of Schooling isn't statistically significant. I'm not sure if this is a big problem or a small one, but it's something that might merit some further explanation.
One particular potential cofound that might be missing is the nature of the political regime in a country. Certain regiemes might be politically opposed to both democracy and economic market openness, confounding the relationship that you're attempting to measure.
Although it's pretty standard practice to log GDP, it might be interesting to see graphically that logging Agricultural Share of the Economy makes as much intuitive sense as logging GDP does. On the topic of controls, why these in particular and not others? One that might be worth exploring is HDI, which indexes, GNIPC, Education and Health - two of which are already, essentially in your model.
I think it's good that you point out that reverse causality is a potential issue here and propose time series or qualitative data to aid your effort at making causal claim.
Who are the other Economist in particular who dispute Friedman's claims?
Despite the technical content, this post is relatively free of jargon and the technical explanations are clear.
As for the charts and tables, I think the graph is really nice, neat and clear, but the tables could be cleaned up and spaced out a bit and the titles adjusted. They are a bit hard to read on a computer screen.
In sum, this is a strong analysis. I'm curious about what would happen if you adjusted the model slightly, but I think the core question, your methods, and the analysis are quite reasonable.